The Democratic Deficit And The Questionable Desirability Of A Populist Alternative?
The Democratic Deficit and the Questionable Desirability of a Populist Alternative. “(...) the twenty-first century provides ample and ever-increasing opportunities for populist actors in Western Europe.” (Albertazzi and Duncan 2008, 219). This conclusion by Albertazzi and Duncan accurately describes the current political climate in Western democracies: Populist parties have become prominent as they respond to the increased cultural and economic insecurities of the twenty-first century (Albertazzi and Duncan 222). Governments have allegedly failed to provide citizens with proper influence on decision making, which has led to these insecure conditions (Mouffe 2006, 54). However, efforts by populists are not seen as a positive development for
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Kaltwasser builds upon the ‘polyarchy’ framework by Robert Dahl, which presents two elements that make up democracy: public contestation and inclusiveness (2012, 196). Allegedly, populism is harmful to democracy’s public contestation, as it is against opposition, due to its claim and propagation of representing one collective ‘people’ (Kaltwasser 2012, 199). However, populism can be helpful in providing political inclusion of the populace, although this depends on the situation (Kaltwasser 2012, 184). Kaltwasser illustrates the beneficial effects of political inclusion by using Latin American cases, where populist movements purport to represent the entire population, as they mobilize “disadvantaged groups” (2012, 197). However, Kaltwasser admits that political inclusiveness by populism is not as prevalent in Europe as in Latin America (2012, 198). In the European case, it can be seen that populism is often rather exclusionary, especially towards immigrants (Kaltwasser 2012, 198). Kaltwasser concludes that to make any classification of populism can be regarded as a normative act, based on one’s subjectivity on how democracy ought to function, which makes it even harder to classify populism’s contribution to democracy (Kaltwasser 2012,
Kaltwasser builds upon the ‘polyarchy’ framework by Robert Dahl, which presents two elements that make up democracy: public contestation and inclusiveness (2012, 196). Allegedly, populism is harmful to democracy’s public contestation, as it is against opposition, due to its claim and propagation of representing one collective ‘people’ (Kaltwasser 2012, 199). However, populism can be helpful in providing political inclusion of the populace, although this depends on the situation (Kaltwasser 2012, 184). Kaltwasser illustrates the beneficial effects of political inclusion by using Latin American cases, where populist movements purport to represent the entire population, as they mobilize “disadvantaged groups” (2012, 197). However, Kaltwasser admits that political inclusiveness by populism is not as prevalent in Europe as in Latin America (2012, 198). In the European case, it can be seen that populism is often rather exclusionary, especially towards immigrants (Kaltwasser 2012, 198). Kaltwasser concludes that to make any classification of populism can be regarded as a normative act, based on one’s subjectivity on how democracy ought to function, which makes it even harder to classify populism’s contribution to democracy (Kaltwasser 2012,