NGO Codes Of Conduct A Review Of Current Practice
NGO CODES OF CONDUCT:
An Exploration of the Current Debate
By Emma Harris-Curtis, Information Officer
Introduction
Central to the wider debate of accountability in civil society lies the issue of NGO accountability itself. The number of registered NGOs in OECD nations alone has increased from 1,600 in 1980 to 2,970 in 1993. Similarly, between these dates NGO spending in OECD nations increased from
US$2.8 billion to US$5.7 billion (in 1994 prices). Yet, as the numbers of NGOs have increased so too has public criticism of them. For example, War on Want faced problems with its Board in the
1980s and the environmental NGO Greenpeace faced criticism in 1995 concerning its analysis of the Brent Spar oil installation, that was accused of being based on a shaky scientific footing.
Within this public debate, NGOs have seen their accountability being comprehensively questioned.
Since the mid 1990s a dichotomy of opinion has appeared: the ‘NGO bashers’ versus the ‘NGO supporters’ (de Jonquieres 2001). Neither extreme is right: NGOs should not dismiss their critics, just as they should not be dismissed as key players in civil society. As Edwards (2000) so appropriately puts it: ‘NGOs are rarely angelic in their behaviour, but generally speaking they are on the side of the angels and the world is a better place for them.’
However, if the world is a better place for NGOs we, in that sector, must prove it and an NGO code of conduct is one way of doing so. Ironically, NGOs are constantly pushing for more accountability from governments and business, whilst their own legitimacy remains questionable. Many recognise this irony and are working to change it, but there is still some way to go in a cohesive course of action to convince everyone. It can be argued that NGOs are accountable in many ways, to local and national governments and to their donors via legal-financial structures.
Nevertheless, accountability to so-called ‘beneficiaries’ is debatable and there is no coherent
An Exploration of the Current Debate
By Emma Harris-Curtis, Information Officer
Introduction
Central to the wider debate of accountability in civil society lies the issue of NGO accountability itself. The number of registered NGOs in OECD nations alone has increased from 1,600 in 1980 to 2,970 in 1993. Similarly, between these dates NGO spending in OECD nations increased from
US$2.8 billion to US$5.7 billion (in 1994 prices). Yet, as the numbers of NGOs have increased so too has public criticism of them. For example, War on Want faced problems with its Board in the
1980s and the environmental NGO Greenpeace faced criticism in 1995 concerning its analysis of the Brent Spar oil installation, that was accused of being based on a shaky scientific footing.
Within this public debate, NGOs have seen their accountability being comprehensively questioned.
Since the mid 1990s a dichotomy of opinion has appeared: the ‘NGO bashers’ versus the ‘NGO supporters’ (de Jonquieres 2001). Neither extreme is right: NGOs should not dismiss their critics, just as they should not be dismissed as key players in civil society. As Edwards (2000) so appropriately puts it: ‘NGOs are rarely angelic in their behaviour, but generally speaking they are on the side of the angels and the world is a better place for them.’
However, if the world is a better place for NGOs we, in that sector, must prove it and an NGO code of conduct is one way of doing so. Ironically, NGOs are constantly pushing for more accountability from governments and business, whilst their own legitimacy remains questionable. Many recognise this irony and are working to change it, but there is still some way to go in a cohesive course of action to convince everyone. It can be argued that NGOs are accountable in many ways, to local and national governments and to their donors via legal-financial structures.
Nevertheless, accountability to so-called ‘beneficiaries’ is debatable and there is no coherent
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